Sunday, June 21, 2009
Wednesday, June 17, 2009
Diplomatic missions without ambassadors
The following report was aired on BBC Nepali Service on June 16, 09. Continuing political instability and frequent changes in government at home is affecting the timely appointment of ambassadors in Nepal's diplomatic missions abroad. In the case of France the Nepali embassy has been without ambassador for 4 years.
Thursday, June 11, 2009
A modest solution
A powerful crisis resolution body at the centre is what we need to jumpstart the process of governance
In Britain the outrage over the Member of Parliaments' (MPs') expenses have generated enormous public pressure on the politicians to come clean. It has already cost the speaker his job, and many more heads are likely to roll with the proposed reshuffling of the cabinet. In Nepal, where we have religiously tried to copy the Westminster system in the past, the emphasis on personal integrity and morality of the British system are not biggest selling points for the politicians here.
Like Britain, we have many of the similar problems in closet of our parliaments. Unlike Britain, the cleansing rarely happens, perhaps a reason why we need frequent revolutions. There are complaints about MPs not attending the parliamentary and respective committee meetings, underpaying their staffs and horse-trading. I do not intend to paint everyone with the same brush, nevertheless these incidents are taking place on a regular basis.
Staffs of Constituent Assembly (CA) members have written anonymous letters to newspapers and radio stations about their bosses not paying them their allocated salaries. But those are smaller problems; larger problems lie in the eroding institutional capacity of the executive, so much so that an executive order barely seems able to move the garbage dumpsters to the dumping site.
One of the frequent attacking points against the Maoist government, for their hyperactivity in the use of the executive power - which in most cases generated more heat than light - was this refrain from Nepali Congress and Tarai-Madhes Democratic Party, among others: This is an interim government and its only mandate is to write the constitution. I found there remarks from very senior leaders eerily unrealistic and doubly naive. Perhaps this is where things have gone awry in this transition period. The executive branch is expected to consolidate its authority (especially following a civil war), fill the void left by the years of retreat, secure law and order, and tackle the basic problems that confront the public on a daily basis. Resolving problems like garbage disposal, ending strikes, and controlling inflation are a basic starting point for the government and political parties collectively to provide people some relief.
As they say the morning shows the day, failure to address even the most basic housekeeping issues raises serious questions about the ability of political parties to govern. Producing a fine constitution will not magically instill that capacity in the future, if they fail to do it now. For that and other reasons, the governing coalition needs to make a sincere effort and take initiative to restore a semblance of governance. Others will fall in line if they see enough merit. No politician, I hope, wishes the state to fail and they can all be reasoned with. The first step is really taking a keen interest in addressing the root cause. A patchwork solution for every banda and grievances will only exhaust the government and the country. There has to be a common framework. The next step is formulating that framework or mechanism that allows resolution of disputes without resorting to rough tactics that have tragically become a fad in Nepal.
One suggestion: The government should constitute a high-level conflict resolution body that has the participation of political parties, and civil society at the central and regional levels to listen to the disagreements and disputes that groups have against the state. Armed with a broad political mandate, the body would be able to address most problems within the current legal framework. Those beyond their mandate would be forwarded to the conference of government political parties and civil society at the centre to hammer out a solution or a compromise formula. With the formation of this body, the parties have to agree to outlaw strikes and bandh for the period of two year. This will give the much-needed breathing space to the government, people, politics, and economy.
Initially, the political parties had agreed to continue the civil society-led National Monitoring Committee (NMC) to continue its work. But the disagreement over the Terms of Reference (TOR) led to abandonment of an important institution that could have played a crucial role in defusing the current crisis.
Instead of protesting against the president's decision which is sub judice in Supreme Court, the civil society should look at institutional ways of addressing the problems. They should turn their attention towards pressuring the government and the parties to constitute a body with broad participation and political mandate to work as a conflict resolution institution for the interim period.
If the Brits think that their expenses scandal is serious enough to warrant a constitutional reform, ours is far too grave to leave it to the politicians alone. Time is running out.
The Kathmandu Post
In Britain the outrage over the Member of Parliaments' (MPs') expenses have generated enormous public pressure on the politicians to come clean. It has already cost the speaker his job, and many more heads are likely to roll with the proposed reshuffling of the cabinet. In Nepal, where we have religiously tried to copy the Westminster system in the past, the emphasis on personal integrity and morality of the British system are not biggest selling points for the politicians here.
Like Britain, we have many of the similar problems in closet of our parliaments. Unlike Britain, the cleansing rarely happens, perhaps a reason why we need frequent revolutions. There are complaints about MPs not attending the parliamentary and respective committee meetings, underpaying their staffs and horse-trading. I do not intend to paint everyone with the same brush, nevertheless these incidents are taking place on a regular basis.
Staffs of Constituent Assembly (CA) members have written anonymous letters to newspapers and radio stations about their bosses not paying them their allocated salaries. But those are smaller problems; larger problems lie in the eroding institutional capacity of the executive, so much so that an executive order barely seems able to move the garbage dumpsters to the dumping site.
One of the frequent attacking points against the Maoist government, for their hyperactivity in the use of the executive power - which in most cases generated more heat than light - was this refrain from Nepali Congress and Tarai-Madhes Democratic Party, among others: This is an interim government and its only mandate is to write the constitution. I found there remarks from very senior leaders eerily unrealistic and doubly naive. Perhaps this is where things have gone awry in this transition period. The executive branch is expected to consolidate its authority (especially following a civil war), fill the void left by the years of retreat, secure law and order, and tackle the basic problems that confront the public on a daily basis. Resolving problems like garbage disposal, ending strikes, and controlling inflation are a basic starting point for the government and political parties collectively to provide people some relief.
As they say the morning shows the day, failure to address even the most basic housekeeping issues raises serious questions about the ability of political parties to govern. Producing a fine constitution will not magically instill that capacity in the future, if they fail to do it now. For that and other reasons, the governing coalition needs to make a sincere effort and take initiative to restore a semblance of governance. Others will fall in line if they see enough merit. No politician, I hope, wishes the state to fail and they can all be reasoned with. The first step is really taking a keen interest in addressing the root cause. A patchwork solution for every banda and grievances will only exhaust the government and the country. There has to be a common framework. The next step is formulating that framework or mechanism that allows resolution of disputes without resorting to rough tactics that have tragically become a fad in Nepal.
One suggestion: The government should constitute a high-level conflict resolution body that has the participation of political parties, and civil society at the central and regional levels to listen to the disagreements and disputes that groups have against the state. Armed with a broad political mandate, the body would be able to address most problems within the current legal framework. Those beyond their mandate would be forwarded to the conference of government political parties and civil society at the centre to hammer out a solution or a compromise formula. With the formation of this body, the parties have to agree to outlaw strikes and bandh for the period of two year. This will give the much-needed breathing space to the government, people, politics, and economy.
Initially, the political parties had agreed to continue the civil society-led National Monitoring Committee (NMC) to continue its work. But the disagreement over the Terms of Reference (TOR) led to abandonment of an important institution that could have played a crucial role in defusing the current crisis.
Instead of protesting against the president's decision which is sub judice in Supreme Court, the civil society should look at institutional ways of addressing the problems. They should turn their attention towards pressuring the government and the parties to constitute a body with broad participation and political mandate to work as a conflict resolution institution for the interim period.
If the Brits think that their expenses scandal is serious enough to warrant a constitutional reform, ours is far too grave to leave it to the politicians alone. Time is running out.
The Kathmandu Post
Friday, June 5, 2009
Thursday, May 21, 2009
Learning the Dutch ropes
JOHN NARAYAN PARAJULI
Amersfoort, May 21 - It's a sunny day and a group of young men stand out in the sun in one of the reception centres for refugees discussing the best internet plan they can purchase for their laptops. Inside one of the apartments, two women of the Karki family are preparing lunch in their fully furnished kitchen adjacent to the dining room where the men are talking and watching television.
Less than five months ago, they used outdoor solar cookers in the refugee camp in Nepal where they cooked in a narrow kitchen under a thatched roof.
After being stateless and homeless for as many as 18 years, many Bhutanese refugees (about 11,000 so far) are on their way to permanent residency and eventual citizenship in eight Western countries. Since Feb. 16, a hundred refugees have arrived in The Netherlands for resettlement. They are currently being housed in a transit centre in this small town of Amersfoort, where they will live until a suitable house is found for them.
“My family will be moving into a new house on June 16. The house has been assigned to us in Utrecht,” says Parlad Karki, who is in his 30s. The refugees will be eligible for social housing that is subsidized by the state for people with low incomes. As residents, they will also be getting unemployment benefits and free health care. As of now, they receive 55 Euro for adult and 30 for children in food allowances. Once they move out they will get unemployment allowance of 1,200 Euro every month, with additional money for children. Life here promises a lot they say.
Most seem eager to start a new life, but they know how hard the transition to a different world will be. In The Netherlands, where English is not the first language, even the young and educated will have to learn Dutch from scratch and make efforts to understand the local culture. “So far, learning the language has been the most difficult thing for me,” says Nawaraj Gazmere. There is excitement among the younger generation, most of who grew up with hard-ships in the camp.
“It was difficult for us in the beginning, but we are slowly adjusting to a new life here,” says Yog Bahadur Khadka. “There was no future for us in the camps and Bhutan was unwilling to accept us back. We didn't have much of a choice.” But for the older generation, the transition has been rough. “I can't read or write English, so it’s is difficult to get around,” says 60-year-old Akhil Bahadur Khadka.
Then there is that constant trauma of having left family members in distress. Many have immediate family members in Bhutan who have been denied property rights and are often persecuted because of their connection to the refugees. “I can't imagine living away from my relatives,” says Chakra Prasad Gazmere, who has a heart condition. “But now I have to.”
The Kathmandu Post
Refugees have mixed feelings about their new home in Netherlands
The following report was broadcasted on BBC Nepali Service on 20 May, 2009
Monday, May 18, 2009
A place to call home
Some Bhutanis finally gained a residency status after living as refugees for as many as 18 years. A group of 100 is adjusting to their new life in Netherlands.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)